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۱۳۸۸ خرداد ۱۵, جمعه

سخنرانی باراک اوباما در قاهره، آغازی تازه

لینک ویدیوی سخنرانی
لینک متن ترجمه فارسی سخنرانی
لینک متن انگلیسی سخنرانی

The Obama's Speech in Cairo: A New Beginning


Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.

...

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. (Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy

.I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)

Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. (Applause.) So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.

In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.

The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. (Applause.) I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.

I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons. (Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. (Applause.)

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.


And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.

I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. (Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."

The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.

Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.

۱۳۸۷ اردیبهشت ۲, دوشنبه

چرا دریای عمان؟

Principlium جان من چند تا توضیح کوچیک دارم

یکم: سابقه تاریخی برای چیزی مشروعیت نمیاره. هزار تا چیز هست که سابقه طولانی تاریخی داره ولی ما روزی 1000 بار آرزو می کنیم از شرشون خلاص شیم. کار بد بده حتی اگه هزاران سال سنت شده باشه.

دوم: قبل از اینکه پارسها برسن و اسم اینجا رو بزارن خلیج پارس ایلامی های بدبخت بهش می گفتن "نارماراتو".

سوم: اسمها مهم هستن چون دو کار مهم می کنن. یکی اینکه بازگو کننده مناسبات قدرت هستند و دوم اینکه هویت بخش هستند.

چهارم: به لحاظ تاریخی سهم 50-50 همیشه بوده. یعنی همیشه جنوب خلیج فارس عربها زندگی می کردن. فقط ماجرا این بوده که ایرانیا هر وقت قدرت پیدا می کردن می رفتن اونور آب رو هم می گرفتن. این دوره ها عبارت بودند از:

هخامنشی
ساسانی
آل بویه
سلجوقی
صفویه
افشار

دوره های دیگه ای هم بودند که ایرانیا عمان رو اشغال کرده اند. اینو از این جهت گفتم که یادمون باشه چرا عربا نسبت به ایران همیشه یه احساس ترس داشته و دارند و نمی خوان بزارن ایران خودشو به اونا تحمیل کنه. به خصوص حالا که به برکت نقت قدرت مند شده اند. البته از طرفی اونها هم 1360 سال پیش چنان زخم کاری به ایران زدن که جاش هنوزم خوب نشده! واسه همین این دعوای تاریخی همچنان ادامه داره.

دست آخر اینکه:
به نظر من اگه عدالت هدف باشه دریایی هم که بین ایران و عمان مشاء است دلیلی نداره اسمش دریای عمان باشه. با منطق عربها ما هم می تونیم اسمشو بزاریم دریای بلوچستان یا ایران یا مکران! البته این هم عادلانه نیست.

۱۳۸۶ مهر ۹, دوشنبه

تقویم قمری

سیستم تقویم قمری، در مقایسه با سیستم شمسی عقب مانده تر است. سال آن ده روز کوتاهتر است و در طول زمان از تقویم شمسی و میلادی جلو می زند. بخشی از تاریخ کشور ما از زمان حمله اعراب تا دوره قاجار بر اساس سیستم قمری تاریخ نگاری شده و در حال حاضر 42 سال از تقویم شمسی جلوتر است.

یادم می آید که اختلاط این دو نوع سیستم در کتابهای تاریخ ما در دوره راهنمایی و دبیرستان، همیشه پیوستگی تاریخ را در ذهنم بر هم می زد. مثلا طبق تاریخ قمری سال انقلاب مشروطه سال 1324 بود. ولی چند صفحه بعد میدیدی که رضا شاه سال 1320 از ایران تبعید شد!

به همین خاطر به همه دوستانی که دستی بر قلم دارند و احیاناً می خواهند به تاریخ استناد کنند، پیشنهاد می کنم از این به بعد همه جا از تاریخ شمسی استفاده کنند که پیوستگی تاریخی ذهنمان به هم نخورد. چون ما همینجوری ملتی هستیم که حافظه تاریخیمان نیمه تعطیل است. این کار را اینجوری انجام دهید:

سال شمسی = سال قمری * 0.97023 (اگر اعشار آن در حد هزارم بود به پایین و در غیر اینصورت باید به بالا گرد شود.)

در مورد تاریخهای میلادی هم اگر آنها را به شمسی تبدیل کنید، چون حوادث کشور خودمان را با تاریخ شمسی در یاد داریم، خواننده می تواند وضع مملکت خود را با دنیا مقایسه کند و مثلا یادش بیاید که وقتی در 1786 دموکراسی در آمریکا بر قرار شد، اینجا سال 1165 بود که آقا محمد خان قاجار داشت در ایران زور می زد تا مملکت تکه پاره و قبیله ای را یک جوری به هم بچسباند و متحد کند.

این کار را هم اینجوری بکنید:

سال شمسی = سال میلادی – 622 (ماههای ژانویه، فوریه و مارس)

سال شمسی = سال میلادی – 621 (بقیه ماههای سال)

ضمناً یک ایده فعلاً در حد dreaming هم دارم!

چه خوب می شد اعیاد مذهبی اسلامیمان را هم به تاریخ شمسی برگزار می کردیم. یعنی یه نفر میشِست حساب می کرد که مثلا تولد حضرت علی(ع) یا عید فطر به تاریخ شمسی در چه روزی اتفاق افتاده و از این به بعد ما همان روز را جشن می گرفتیم. ماه رمضان هم همینطور. به هر حال منافاتی بین مسلمان بودن و استفاده از تاریخ شمسی وجود ندارد. حالا این فقط یک ایده بود.